In Khalidi’s view, the limits
of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process were established in 1978, when
Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin laid down markers for the Camp
David negotiations. Ever since then, the United States, although
occasionally tempted to stray from these rules, has carefully adhered to
them and sometimes argued for them even more strenuously than the
Israelis. The rules forbid sharing control of Jerusalem, allowing the
return of Palestinian refugees driven from their homes during the
Arab-Israeli wars of 1948 and 1967, and granting the Palestinians
sovereignty over the occupied territories and their inhabitants. Khalidi
argues that the Madrid conference of 1991, the Oslo process of the
1990s, and U.S. President Barack Obama’s peace initiative of 2009 were
integral parts of a joint U.S.-Israeli strategy to buy time for the
Israelis to expand their settlements in the West Bank and sever East
Jerusalem from the Palestinian hinterland. Saudi Arabia could have
anchored an Arab counterweight but has acquiesced to the status quo out
of concern for its own security. Khalidi’s book is as despairing as it
is short; he sees no way out.
Kurtzer’s collection tries valiantly to pierce Khalidi’s gloom. The
contributors are mostly veterans of the peace process. They believe in
the two-state solution as the least bad alternative to the status quo.
They recognize that the odds are against such an outcome but argue that
U.S. interests will suffer if the United States does not engage in the
effort—at the level of the president, or at least the secretary of
state, as Aaron David Miller argues in his essay. But the contributors
do not agree on how to reach a viable two-state solution, and most
important, they fail to identify how U.S. interests would be harmed by
continuing business as usual. They do not address the one-state solution
at all, not even to dismiss it. Consequently, one cannot suppress the
image of a horse frolicking on a distant hill as these authors ponder an
open barn door. Each contribution, however, is full of the wisdom of
experience. Marwan Muasher, a former foreign minister of Jordan,
emphasizes the need to seek a comprehensive settlement involving all of
Israel’s Arab foes. Robert Malley, who served as a special assistant to
U.S. President Bill Clinton, stresses that the Oslo process was too
focused on solving the problems created by the 1967 Six-Day War,
ignoring the deeper problems caused by the 1948 Arab-Israeli war. Samih
Al-Abid and Samir Hileleh, experts on Palestinian economic development,
suggest a possible reciprocal recognition, in which Israel would accept
the Palestinians’ right of return and, in exchange, the Palestinians
would acknowledge the Jewish nature of Israel. Needless to say, it is
doubtful that any current Israeli, Palestinian, or American leaders
would find this proposal persuasive.
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